Ariel Sharon Biography Quotes 8 Report mistakes
| 8 Quotes | |
| Occup. | Leader |
| From | Israel |
| Born | February 27, 1928 Kfar Malal, Mandatory Palestine |
| Died | January 11, 2014 Ramat Gan, Israel |
| Aged | 85 years |
| Cite | |
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Early Life and Background
Ariel Sharon was born Ariel Scheinermann on 1928-02-27 in Kfar Malal, a Jewish agricultural moshav in British Mandatory Palestine, into a world where politics was not abstract but physical - fences, fields, and roads contested by competing national movements. His parents, Shmuel and Vera, were immigrants from the Russian Empire who carried the hard lessons of pogrom-era insecurity into the sunlit discipline of settlement life. Sharon grew up in the interwar Middle East, amid the Arab Revolt of 1936-1939 and the tightening British security regime, absorbing early the idea that survival depended on organized force and communal cohesion.The rural landscape gave him a farmer's pragmatism and a map-reader's intimacy with terrain; it also shaped his blunt, sometimes brusque manner. As the Yishuv moved toward statehood, the teen Sharon matured into a generation trained to see leadership as readiness to decide under fire. Those habits - bold initiative, impatience with caution, and a deep belief in self-reliance - would remain visible in both his battlefield career and later statecraft, even as Israel's moral and diplomatic dilemmas grew more complex.
Education and Formative Influences
Sharon attended local schools and, like many of his cohort, was formed less by formal academia than by the paramilitary apprenticeship of the era. In 1942 he joined the Haganah, and by the time Israel declared independence in 1948 he was already a seasoned commander-in-training. The 1948 Arab-Israeli War brought him serious wounds at Latrun, a formative brush with mortality that reinforced a gambler's acceptance of risk and a commander's fixation on initiative. In the 1950s he studied law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, but the decisive curriculum of his life remained operational: the culture of the IDF, the strategic debates over reprisal and deterrence, and the intimate, often tragic contact with civilians caught between armies.Career, Major Works, and Turning Points
Sharon rose through the Israel Defense Forces as a field commander known for audacity and a willingness to improvise. He founded and led Unit 101 in 1953, the commando force associated with cross-border reprisal raids that established his reputation and controversies early. He commanded in the 1956 Sinai campaign, then as a division commander in the 1967 Six-Day War helped break Egyptian positions in Sinai, and in the 1973 Yom Kippur War led the famous crossing of the Suez Canal - a maneuver that became part of Israel's military mythology and his personal legend. Entering politics, he served as a key figure in the Likud era: agriculture minister, then defense minister under Menachem Begin. The 1982 Lebanon War and the Sabra and Shatila massacre, carried out by Lebanese Christian militias after Israel had entered West Beirut, led to the Kahan Commission finding him indirectly responsible and his removal from the defense portfolio. Yet he returned to high office, becoming foreign minister and then prime minister in 2001 amid the Second Intifada. His sharpest political pivot came in 2003-2005: the decision to disengage unilaterally from the Gaza Strip, evacuating Israeli settlements there, splitting Likud, founding Kadima, and redefining him from expansionist symbol to architect of withdrawal. In 2006 he suffered a catastrophic stroke that ended his active life; he remained in a coma until his death on 2014-01-11.Philosophy, Style, and Themes
Sharon's inner life was a fusion of frontier realism and historical memory. He spoke the language of peace yet treated it as a product of leverage and security, not sentiment. “Like all Israelis, I yearn for peace. I see the utmost importance in taking all possible steps that will lead to a solution of the conflict with the Palestinians”. Coming from a man whose biography was stamped by raids, wars, and political storms, the sentence reads less like idealism than like a declaration that desire must be engineered - with borders, deterrence, and irreversible facts. His support for the Gaza disengagement, and his insistence that Israel could not rule indefinitely over millions of Palestinians, fit this psychological pattern: he could change tactics dramatically when he concluded the strategic ground had shifted.At the same time, Sharon carried an almost familial defensiveness toward the legitimacy of the Jewish state, rooted in his parents' immigrant anxieties and in the post-Holocaust moral landscape in which Israel operated. “Israel may have the right to put others on trial, but certainly no one has the right to put the Jewish people and the State of Israel on trial”. That reflex helps explain both his readiness to accept international criticism as the cost of action and his fierce resistance to what he saw as delegitimization. Yet he also articulated a stark, unsentimental mutuality about the conflict's permanence and the necessity of coexistence: “The ongoing conflict between us has caused heavy suffering to both peoples. The future can and must be different. Both our peoples are destined to live together side by side, on this small piece of land. This reality we cannot change”. Sharon's style followed the same logic - direct, operational, often polarizing - a commander-politician who trusted maps, deadlines, and concrete moves more than grand reconciliation ceremonies.
Legacy and Influence
Sharon endures as one of Israel's most consequential and contested leaders: a battlefield tactician who helped shape the IDF's offensive doctrine, a political survivor who embodied the country's rightward turn after 1977, and a prime minister who demonstrated that even the champions of settlement could initiate withdrawal when demographics and security calculations converged. His name remains bound to trauma and argument - Lebanon 1982, the Al-Aqsa compound visit in 2000 and the tinderbox atmosphere around it, the harsh counterterror policies of the early 2000s - but also to a strategic willingness to redraw realities, most notably in Gaza. For admirers he was the farmer-general who kept Israel standing; for critics, the avatar of militarized politics. Either way, Sharon helped define the vocabulary of modern Israeli power: decisive action, heavy costs, and the persistent, unresolved struggle to turn force into a stable future.Our collection contains 8 quotes written by Ariel, under the main topics: Truth - Justice - Dark Humor - Leadership - Peace.
Other people related to Ariel: Silvan Shalom (Politician), Hosni Mubarak (Statesman), David K. Shipler (Journalist), Moshe Katsav (Statesman), Elliott Abrams (Lawyer)