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Frank Chodorov Biography Quotes 4 Report mistakes

4 Quotes
Occup.Writer
FromUSA
Died1966
Early Life and Education
Frank Chodorov emerged as one of the clearest voices of American individualism in the mid-20th century. Educated in New York and trained in the liberal arts tradition, he developed an early fascination with economics, political philosophy, and the moral arguments for individual liberty. As a young man he encountered the writings of Henry George and, later, the formidable essays of Albert Jay Nock, whose criticism of statism became a lasting influence. By temperament and conviction, he grew into a writer who preferred moral clarity to jargon and who treated political economy as a branch of ethics.

From Georgism to the Old Right
Chodorov first made his mark in the orbit of the Henry George School of Social Science, where he taught and helped organize adult education in political economy. The school sharpened his appreciation for voluntary exchange, property, and the social costs of coercive taxation. In the New Deal and wartime eras he found himself aligned with the Old Right, a loose network of anti-statist and anti-interventionist writers. He admired the independence of figures such as Albert Jay Nock and shared common ground with journalists like John T. Flynn, Garet Garrett, and Felix Morley, who warned that centralization and permanent mobilization were incompatible with a free society.

Editor and Polemicist
His public reputation grew with the launch of Analysis, a small-circulation but widely passed-around broadsheet devoted to economics, liberty, and foreign policy restraint. Written in a crisp, personal style, Analysis became a conduit for postwar dissenters who opposed the managerial state at home and military overreach abroad. Chodorov saw the rise of the administrative state and the normalization of income taxation as mutually reinforcing developments that eroded civic independence. He wrote relentlessly to show how compulsory redistribution weakens both economic vitality and personal character.

The Freeman and FEE
Chodorov moved into a larger editorial role when he joined the circle around the Foundation for Economic Education, working alongside Leonard E. Read. He contributed to and then edited The Freeman, a magazine that, in various incarnations, served as a clearinghouse for classical liberal and individualist arguments. In that milieu he collaborated with and learned from journalists such as Henry Hazlitt, John Chamberlain, and Suzanne La Follette. The Freeman provided a platform for essays that joined economic reasoning to moral appeals, helping a scattered readership find a common vocabulary for liberty. As the magazine evolved, he handed editorial responsibilities to others, including Paul L. Poirot, but he remained a central voice in its pages.

Students and the Intercollegiate Society of Individualists
Convinced that ideas must be planted early, Chodorov turned to campus work. In 1953 he founded the Intercollegiate Society of Individualists, later known as the Intercollegiate Studies Institute. With philanthropic backing, notably from donors such as J. Howard Pew, and with the help of energetic organizers like E. Victor Milione, ISI seeded reading groups, lecture programs, and newsletters on campuses. William F. Buckley Jr., then a young writer fresh from the success of God and Man at Yale, became an ally and recruiter. Through ISI, Chodorov introduced undergraduates to the books that had shaped him, encouraging serious study rather than party activism. He believed that careful reading, not slogans, made citizens fit for self-government.

Ideas and Books
Chodorov wrote as a moralist of liberty. His best-known book, Income Tax: The Root of All Evil (1954), argued that the federal income tax transformed the relationship between citizen and state by granting officials a prior claim on private earnings. He tied this critique to a broader defense of voluntary association, localism, and free markets. In One Is A Crowd, he presented the individual as the irreducible unit of social life, insisting that reforms must begin with conscience and character. He wrote frequently on conscription, civil liberties, and the dangers of ideological wars, maintaining that a republic cannot preserve freedom while organizing society for perpetual emergency.

Allies, Debates, and Influence
Chodorov moved easily among overlapping circles. He contributed to the early issues of National Review at Buckley's invitation even as he preserved an Old Right skepticism toward Cold War statism, a position that set him apart from many emerging conservatives such as Russell Kirk. The resulting debates were civil but real: how to balance the defense of the West with the defense of limited government at home. Younger libertarian and classical liberal writers, including Murray N. Rothbard, read him attentively and drew on his fusion of economic argument and moral suasion. Within the voluntaryist community around FEE, he worked with Leonard Read to cultivate a tone that was firm in principle yet patient in pedagogy.

Later Years and Legacy
Until his death in 1966, Chodorov wrote with the same spare intensity that marked his early broadsheets. He preferred essays to offices and persuasion to power. By the time he passed, The Freeman had become a fixture of free-market discourse, ISI had established a durable campus network, and a new generation of writers and teachers had taken up the work of defending individual liberty. His legacy endures less in organizational titles than in a style of argument: principled, accessible, and anchored in the conviction that social cooperation flourishes when the state knows its limits. Those who knew him or encountered his essays regularly cite the same impression: a gentle but unyielding advocate of the individual, committed to telling the truth about freedom without favor or fear.

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