Henry A. Wallace Biography Quotes 30 Report mistakes
| 30 Quotes | |
| Born as | Henry Agard Wallace |
| Occup. | Vice President |
| From | USA |
| Born | October 7, 1888 |
| Died | November 18, 1965 |
| Aged | 77 years |
Henry Agard Wallace was born in 1888 in rural Iowa, the heir to a lineage that linked Midwestern farm fields to national policymaking. His grandfather, known widely as "Uncle Henry" Wallace, built Wallaces' Farmer into a leading agricultural journal that shaped opinion across the Corn Belt. His father, Henry Cantwell Wallace, served as U.S. Secretary of Agriculture in the 1920s, bringing the family's practical farm experience into the federal government. Raised in that nexus of barn, laboratory, and editorial office, Henry A. Wallace absorbed the idea that agriculture was both a science and a civic calling. As a boy in Ames he encountered George Washington Carver, then associated with Iowa State, who encouraged his curiosity in plants and experimentation. This early mentorship, coupled with the family's publishing and farming enterprises, set the course of his life.
Education and Scientific Farmer
Wallace studied at Iowa State College, where he pursued agriculture with an eye for both field results and statistical rigor. By his twenties he was conducting trials in corn breeding, a relentless experimenter enthralled by hybrid vigor. He wrote analytically for Wallaces' Farmer, explaining to readers how the careful selection and crossing of lines could raise yields and stabilize performance. He was unusual among public men in being able to move fluently between demonstration plots and economic charts. In 1926 he helped form the Hi-Bred Corn Company, later known as Pioneer Hi-Bred, to scale up hybrid seed production. Seed corn from those efforts spread across the Midwest, raising productivity and incomes and anchoring his reputation as a modernizing "scientific farmer".
Journalist and Agricultural Reformer
As editor and publisher at Wallaces' Farmer, Wallace championed farm cooperatives, sound soil practices, and a fair price structure that could protect producers from ruinous cycles. He built a wide network of allies and adversaries: reform-minded agronomists and statisticians on one side, skeptical grain traders and some populist organizers on the other. He respected hard data, but he also believed farm people needed a voice strong enough to influence Washington. That conviction drew him into national politics as the Great Depression toppled markets and battered the countryside.
New Deal Secretary of Agriculture
Franklin D. Roosevelt brought Wallace into the Cabinet in 1933 as Secretary of Agriculture. Confronting collapsing commodity prices and ecological disaster, Wallace helped design the Agricultural Adjustment Administration to manage production and raise farm income. With colleagues such as Chester Davis and George Peek in the program's early, contentious years, he pursued the "Ever-Normal Granary" concept to stabilize supplies and prices. He supported soil conservation policies advanced by Hugh Hammond Bennett after the Dust Bowl's black blizzards dramatized the costs of overuse. Wallace's department experimented with parity pricing, credit supports, and conservation payments, seeking to balance farm security with consumer needs. He was a central New Deal figure alongside Frances Perkins and Harold L. Ickes, arguing that rural recovery was essential to the nation's broader revival.
Vice President in a World at War
In 1940 Roosevelt selected Wallace for the national ticket, and he served as Vice President from 1941 to 1945. He presided over the Senate, worked frequently with labor and farm leaders, and became a public voice for democratic ideals in wartime. His 1942 address known as "The Century of the Common Man" articulated a vision of postwar internationalism centered on social justice and economic opportunity, winning admirers among liberals and drawing fire from conservatives. Roosevelt valued Wallace's intelligence and administrative drive, though Wallace's assertive style and reformist zeal often put him at odds with party bosses and more cautious Cabinet members.
In wartime diplomacy, Wallace undertook goodwill missions in the Western Hemisphere, supporting the Good Neighbor policy, and traveled abroad to understand allied capacities and needs. His 1944 journey to the Soviet Far East produced a book-length report, reflecting his conviction that mutual understanding could reduce future conflict. The trip and his commentaries would later feed arguments over his views toward the USSR.
The 1944 Convention Fight
As Roosevelt sought a fourth term in 1944, Wallace faced an organized effort from party leaders to block his renomination for Vice President. Sidney Hillman and many liberals rallied to Wallace, while figures such as James F. Byrnes and Robert E. Hannegan maneuvered for alternatives, with Harry S. Truman ultimately emerging as the choice of a decisive coalition. Senator Claude Pepper's dramatic but unsuccessful attempt to bring Wallace's name to a vote at a crucial moment became one of the convention's legends. The outcome marked a turning point: Wallace's stature with the New Deal base remained high, but his influence within the party's power structure waned.
Secretary of Commerce and Break with Truman
Harry S. Truman kept Wallace in the Cabinet in 1945 as Secretary of Commerce, giving him oversight of trade, industry, and economic reconversion after the war. Wallace pressed for full employment, expanded world trade, and cooperative relations with the Soviet Union, positions that clashed with the hardening views of policymakers like Byrnes and, increasingly, Dean Acheson. In 1946 Wallace delivered a high-profile address urging restraint and negotiation with Moscow, challenging the administration's emerging containment line. Truman asked for his resignation after the speech, and Wallace left the Cabinet, turning to journalism and advocacy.
The 1948 Progressive Campaign
Wallace ran for President in 1948 on the Progressive Party ticket, with Senator Glen H. Taylor as his running mate. He campaigned for universal civil rights, national health insurance, and a negotiated approach to the Cold War, refusing to speak to segregated audiences in the South. Supporters included trade union activists and intellectuals; detractors charged that Communist organizers had too much sway in the Progressive coalition. The heckling he encountered on the trail and the fierce controversy over his foreign policy views limited his appeal. Truman won a stunning upset in November, while Wallace's vote total fell far short of expectations, underscoring the narrowing political space for his brand of left-liberal internationalism.
Ideas, Spiritual Curiosity, and Controversies
Wallace brought to public life a blend of agronomy, statistics, and moral idealism. He believed that technological progress could underwrite a fairer society if guided by democratic planning. He also carried an eclectic spiritual streak that drew him for a time into correspondence with the artist-mystic Nicholas Roerich, a connection that later damaged him politically when sensationalized as evidence of unorthodoxy. Wallace's insistence on judging the Soviet system by potential rather than by its repressions was criticized by liberals and conservatives alike as evidence of naivete, a judgment he revisited in later writings.
Return to Private Life and Reassessment
After 1948 Wallace stepped away from electoral politics. He wrote books and articles, including a candid self-critique acknowledging errors in his Cold War judgments, and returned to experimental agriculture and business. Though no longer a public official, he remained a touchstone for debates over the New Deal legacy, farm policy, and the role of science in public life. He maintained cordial relations with some former colleagues and sharp differences with others, reflecting the ideological realignments that set in after Roosevelt's death. His entrepreneurial work in hybrid seeds continued to influence American agriculture as yields rose and new plant-breeding techniques spread worldwide.
Legacy and Death
Henry A. Wallace died in 1965, leaving a complex legacy: a pioneer of hybrid seed corn and one of the most consequential Secretaries of Agriculture; a Vice President who gave stirring voice to wartime democratic aspirations; a Cabinet officer and presidential candidate whose determination to avert a new global conflict led him to positions that many contemporaries rejected. The people around him shaped that story: Franklin D. Roosevelt, who trusted his competence and imagination; Harry S. Truman, who parted ways with him over foreign policy; movement allies such as Sidney Hillman and Claude Pepper; adversaries like James F. Byrnes and Robert E. Hannegan; and early influences such as his father, Henry Cantwell Wallace, his grandfather, and George Washington Carver. To admirers, Wallace modeled the fusion of scientific empiricism with public purpose. To critics, he embodied the hazards of idealism in a hard world. Across those judgments, his imprint on American agriculture, New Deal governance, and the liberal imagination endures.
Our collection contains 30 quotes who is written by Henry, under the main topics: Ethics & Morality - Truth - Justice - Freedom - Equality.