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Mikhail Bakunin Biography Quotes 37 Report mistakes

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Born asMikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin
Occup.Revolutionary
FromRussia
BornMay 30, 1814
Pryamukhino (near Torzhok), Russian Empire
DiedJune 13, 1876
Bern, Switzerland
Aged62 years
Early Life and Formation
Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin was born in 1814 into a gentry family at Pryamukhino in the Tver province of the Russian Empire. Educated first at home and then in St. Petersburg, he entered the artillery as a young man, but left military service in his early twenties as his interest shifted decisively toward philosophy. In Moscow he joined the circle around Nikolai Stankevich and engaged with the debates that animated the Russian intelligentsia. He read and translated German philosophy, especially Fichte and Hegel, and formed lasting friendships with figures such as Vissarion Belinsky as well as the expatriates Alexander Herzen and Nikolai Ogarev. The intellectual restlessness that had drawn him away from a secure career now carried him to Central Europe, where he immersed himself in the radical currents of his time.

From Philosophy to Revolutionary Socialism
In the 1840s Bakunin studied in Berlin and moved among the Left Hegelians before gravitating to Zurich and Paris. He encountered Wilhelm Weitling, the German communist artisan whose egalitarian program left a mark on his thinking, and he debated and befriended Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, whose mutualism he both admired and criticized. In Paris he also met literary and political radicals who connected national liberation to social emancipation. Bakunin increasingly saw the liberation of the Slavic peoples and the social question as intertwined and came to view revolution as a transnational and popular process rather than a purely intellectual or conspiratorial enterprise.

Revolutions of 1848–1849
The European upheavals of 1848 thrust Bakunin into direct political action. He appeared at the Slavic Congress in Prague, denounced imperial domination, and supported popular insurrection. After the Prague rising was suppressed, he moved through Germany and became involved in the 1849 Dresden uprising. There he worked alongside August Roeckel and, briefly, the composer Richard Wagner, who later recalled the barricades in his memoirs. The revolt failed, and Bakunin was arrested. He was tried in Saxony, transferred to Austrian custody, and then handed over to Russia, where the consequences were severe.

Imprisonment and Siberian Exile
In Russian hands Bakunin was confined in the Peter and Paul Fortress and later in Shlisselburg. During this period he composed a penitential "confession" to Tsar Nicholas I, a document whose tone has long been debated but whose existence reflected the brutal pressure of high-security imprisonment. Eventually his sentence was commuted to exile in Siberia. There he sought to rebuild a life after years of incarceration and married Antonia Kwiatkowska, the daughter of a Polish doctor. The exile did not extinguish his revolutionary purpose. In 1861 he executed a daring escape route: down the Amur to the Pacific, onward to Japan, across the Pacific to the United States, and then to London, where he reunited with Alexander Herzen and Nikolai Ogarev and contributed to their émigré activities.

Toward Anarchism and International Organization
From London, Switzerland, and Italy, Bakunin reentered European radical networks. He founded secret and public associations aimed at fusing social revolution with federalism, including what he called a "Brotherhood" and, later, the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy. In Italy he crossed paths with Giuseppe Mazzini, whose republicanism he respected but whose religiosity and centralism he rejected. In Spain his ideas spread through the efforts of Giuseppe Fanelli and found early adherents such as Anselmo Lorenzo. In French-speaking Switzerland he collaborated with Elisee Reclus and worked closely with James Guillaume and Adhemar Schwitzguebel to build the anti-authoritarian Jura Federation. When the Alliance sought affiliation with the International Workingmen's Association, it encountered resistance from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, who viewed Bakunin's organizational methods and theory with suspicion. The ensuing struggle over centralization, party authority, and the "dictatorship of the proletariat" culminated at the Hague Congress of 1872, where Bakunin and Guillaume were expelled. The split fixed a lasting divide between authoritarian and libertarian currents within socialism.

The Nechayev Affair
A damaging episode in Bakunin's later career was his association with Sergei Nechayev, a young Russian conspirator who championed ruthless tactics. Their collaboration, and disputes over a text known as the "Catechism of a Revolutionary", produced scandal. Questions of authorship, methods, and political morality embroiled Bakunin, strained relations with old friends, and gave his opponents ammunition. Even sympathizers such as Herzen and Ogarev were dismayed by the affair. The episode did not represent the whole of his politics, but it complicated his reputation and highlighted tensions between clandestine organization and mass, open movement.

Ideas and Writings
Bakunin emerged as a principal architect of collectivist anarchism. He argued that freedom and equality were inseparable, that the state and the church perpetuated domination, and that emancipation required their abolition in favor of federations of self-governing communes and workers' associations. He accepted collective ownership of the means of production while insisting on federalist decentralization and the primacy of spontaneous popular initiative. In debates with Marx he warned that a revolutionary state, even one invoking proletarian rule, would breed a new hierarchy and "red bureaucracy". He urged revolutionaries to serve as catalysts within the masses, not as rulers over them. His major texts include Statism and Anarchy, published in Russian in the 1870s, which offered a sustained critique of state socialism and reflections on the Russian peasant commune, and the posthumously compiled God and the State, drawn from unfinished manuscripts, which attacked theological and scientific authoritarianism alike. His correspondence and programmatic writings, circulated among associates like Guillaume and Reclus, further elaborated his advocacy of international, federalist organization and ethical solidarity.

Insurrections and Final Years
The final years of Bakunin's life were marked by both activism and declining health. He hastened to Lyon during the crisis of 1870, attempting to spark a communal uprising in the wake of imperial collapse, and he later engaged in efforts in Italy, including an abortive rising at Bologna. In these ventures he collaborated with younger militants such as Carlo Cafiero and Errico Malatesta, who would become central to the Italian anarchist movement. The defeats, the burden of exile, and the effects of long imprisonment took their toll. He found refuge in Switzerland, particularly in the Italian-speaking south and then in Bern, sustained by friends from the Jura Federation and the wider circle of the International. He died in 1876 after a protracted period of illness.

Legacy
Bakunin's life traversed the great arc from philosophical critique to insurrectionary action and organizational theory. He helped crystallize an anti-authoritarian socialism that resisted both absolutist reaction and centralized party rule. The controversies around him, especially the conflict with Marx, reshaped the workers' movement by clarifying the strategic and ethical alternatives within it. His collaborations with Herzen and Ogarev linked Russian emancipation to European radicalism; his work with Reclus, Guillaume, Schwitzguebel, Fanelli, Cafiero, Malatesta, and Spanish organizers like Anselmo Lorenzo seeded movements that would flourish in the Jura, Italy, and Iberia. His writings continued to influence Peter Kropotkin and later libertarian thinkers, while his warnings about revolutionary states found echoes in subsequent historical experience. However turbulent his path, Bakunin's insistence that freedom can neither be granted from above nor safeguarded by centralized power remains one of the defining legacies of nineteenth-century revolutionary thought.

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