"A social democratic party without deep roots in the working class movement would quickly fade into an unrepresentative intellectual sect"
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Jenkins is warning that social democracy can’t survive on clever policy papers and salon debates alone; it needs muscle memory, membership rolls, and a daily relationship with wage-earners. Coming from a politician who moved easily among Westminster grandees and European institutions, the line has the bite of self-knowledge: he’s describing the gravitational pull that turns reformist politics into a polite seminar once it loses its grounding in organized labor.
The phrasing does two things at once. “Deep roots” isn’t just a metaphor for voter outreach; it’s a nod to the infrastructure of the working-class movement - unions, local branches, shop-floor reps, mutual aid traditions - that historically gave social democratic parties legitimacy and discipline. Without that, a party doesn’t merely lose elections; it becomes “unrepresentative,” a moral failing as much as a strategic one. Jenkins is signaling that representation isn’t an aesthetic of empathy, it’s a material connection to people who can collectively bargain, strike, and punish leaders who drift.
The insult is carefully chosen: “intellectual sect” evokes a small, doctrinal group convinced of its own righteousness, insulated from the compromises and rough edges of mass politics. It’s also a warning about class composition: when the base becomes credentialed professionals rather than workers, priorities subtly shift - from power at the workplace to policy optimization, from solidarity to managerial competence.
In late-20th-century Britain, with deindustrialization and Labour’s internal battles over union influence, Jenkins is implicitly arguing that modernization without anchoring becomes self-erasure: a party that still speaks in the name of the many while increasingly resembling the few.
The phrasing does two things at once. “Deep roots” isn’t just a metaphor for voter outreach; it’s a nod to the infrastructure of the working-class movement - unions, local branches, shop-floor reps, mutual aid traditions - that historically gave social democratic parties legitimacy and discipline. Without that, a party doesn’t merely lose elections; it becomes “unrepresentative,” a moral failing as much as a strategic one. Jenkins is signaling that representation isn’t an aesthetic of empathy, it’s a material connection to people who can collectively bargain, strike, and punish leaders who drift.
The insult is carefully chosen: “intellectual sect” evokes a small, doctrinal group convinced of its own righteousness, insulated from the compromises and rough edges of mass politics. It’s also a warning about class composition: when the base becomes credentialed professionals rather than workers, priorities subtly shift - from power at the workplace to policy optimization, from solidarity to managerial competence.
In late-20th-century Britain, with deindustrialization and Labour’s internal battles over union influence, Jenkins is implicitly arguing that modernization without anchoring becomes self-erasure: a party that still speaks in the name of the many while increasingly resembling the few.
Quote Details
| Topic | Equality |
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