"Any solution for the Iraqi problem cannot be reached without Arabs and Arab participation"
About this Quote
A polite sentence with a hard edge: Iraq will not be “solved” by remote control. When Amr Moussa insists that no solution can be reached “without Arabs and Arab participation,” he’s pushing back against the era’s default setting, where Washington, London, and a rotating cast of international envoys treated the region as a chessboard and local politics as inconvenient terrain.
The phrasing matters. Calling it the “Iraqi problem” adopts the clinical language of policy shops, but the demand for “Arab participation” quietly reframes who gets to define the problem in the first place. It’s not just a plea for inclusion; it’s a claim to authorship. Moussa, a diplomat steeped in the Arab League’s perpetual struggle for relevance, is also advertising a regional institution that has often been sidelined by great-power urgency and intra-Arab rivalry.
The subtext is twofold. First: legitimacy. A postwar order imposed without Arab buy-in will look like occupation by another name, feeding insurgency and delegitimizing any Iraqi leadership seen as externally anointed. Second: containment. Iraq’s instability doesn’t stay inside Iraq; it radiates through borders, sectarian identities, oil markets, and refugee flows. Moussa is arguing that the neighbors who absorb the blowback deserve a seat at the table before decisions harden into facts on the ground.
There’s also a delicate pan-Arab signal here. By invoking “Arabs” rather than “Iraqis,” Moussa elevates Iraq from a national crisis to a regional test of dignity and agency - and warns that excluding the region won’t just produce bad policy, it will deepen the resentment that makes bad policy endure.
The phrasing matters. Calling it the “Iraqi problem” adopts the clinical language of policy shops, but the demand for “Arab participation” quietly reframes who gets to define the problem in the first place. It’s not just a plea for inclusion; it’s a claim to authorship. Moussa, a diplomat steeped in the Arab League’s perpetual struggle for relevance, is also advertising a regional institution that has often been sidelined by great-power urgency and intra-Arab rivalry.
The subtext is twofold. First: legitimacy. A postwar order imposed without Arab buy-in will look like occupation by another name, feeding insurgency and delegitimizing any Iraqi leadership seen as externally anointed. Second: containment. Iraq’s instability doesn’t stay inside Iraq; it radiates through borders, sectarian identities, oil markets, and refugee flows. Moussa is arguing that the neighbors who absorb the blowback deserve a seat at the table before decisions harden into facts on the ground.
There’s also a delicate pan-Arab signal here. By invoking “Arabs” rather than “Iraqis,” Moussa elevates Iraq from a national crisis to a regional test of dignity and agency - and warns that excluding the region won’t just produce bad policy, it will deepen the resentment that makes bad policy endure.
Quote Details
| Topic | Peace |
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