"But assuming the same premises, to wit, that all men are equal by the law of nature and of nations, the right of property in slaves falls to the ground; for one who is equal to another cannot be the owner or property of that other"
About this Quote
Seward isn’t trying to tug at the heart; he’s trying to pull the floorboards out from under slavery using the era’s own preferred tool: legal logic. The line is built like a courtroom trap. Start with your opponent’s “premises,” he says - the Enlightenment-flavored claim, familiar from the Declaration and international doctrine, that “all men are equal by the law of nature and of nations.” Then watch what happens when you follow that premise to its conclusion. If equality is real in any meaningful sense, the “right of property in slaves” doesn’t merely look cruel or regrettable; it becomes conceptually impossible. Ownership requires hierarchy. Equality annihilates it.
The rhetorical move is surgical: Seward brackets off sentiment and even religion, and instead treats slavery as a category error, a contradiction hiding in plain sight. That’s the subtextual dare to a nation that loved to call itself civilized: you can keep your self-image as a law-governed republic, or you can keep human property, but you can’t keep both without admitting the whole “law of nations” talk is decorative.
Context matters. Seward, a leading anti-slavery Whig turned Republican who would later serve as Lincoln’s Secretary of State, is speaking into a political culture where abolitionist moral indictment could be dismissed as fanaticism, but constitutional and natural-law argument had broader reach. By framing slavery as incompatible with the very grammar of equality, he’s not just arguing policy; he’s trying to force a legitimacy crisis. If the premises are American, the conclusion must be, too.
The rhetorical move is surgical: Seward brackets off sentiment and even religion, and instead treats slavery as a category error, a contradiction hiding in plain sight. That’s the subtextual dare to a nation that loved to call itself civilized: you can keep your self-image as a law-governed republic, or you can keep human property, but you can’t keep both without admitting the whole “law of nations” talk is decorative.
Context matters. Seward, a leading anti-slavery Whig turned Republican who would later serve as Lincoln’s Secretary of State, is speaking into a political culture where abolitionist moral indictment could be dismissed as fanaticism, but constitutional and natural-law argument had broader reach. By framing slavery as incompatible with the very grammar of equality, he’s not just arguing policy; he’s trying to force a legitimacy crisis. If the premises are American, the conclusion must be, too.
Quote Details
| Topic | Equality |
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