"Fascism is a religious concept"
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“Fascism is a religious concept” is Mussolini doing what fascists often do best: laundering raw power in the language of meaning. He’s not reaching for theology out of curiosity; he’s recruiting the emotional infrastructure of religion - faith, ritual, sacrifice, community, obedience - to make politics feel inevitable and sacred.
In interwar Italy, liberal institutions looked brittle and procedural, socialism looked international and class-bound, the Church remained a rival center of loyalty. Mussolini’s move is to declare the state itself the altar. If fascism is “religious,” dissent stops being a policy disagreement and starts reading as heresy. Opposition becomes not merely wrong but contaminating, a spiritual threat to the body politic. That framing licenses exceptional measures: violence can be cast as purification; censorship as protection of the faithful; unity as a moral demand rather than a negotiated compromise.
The subtext is competition. Fascism needs total allegiance, and religion is the only social force that has ever plausibly commanded it at scale. By calling fascism religious, Mussolini signals that it will offer its own liturgy: mass rallies as worship, the leader as a quasi-messianic figure, national rebirth as salvation history. It’s also a tactical nod to Catholic Italy: he’s hinting that fascism isn’t atheistic modernism, even as it tries to supersede the Church’s claim on consciences.
The line works because it’s audaciously self-revealing. It admits that fascism isn’t an argument to be weighed; it’s a faith to be inhabited. That’s precisely what makes it dangerous.
In interwar Italy, liberal institutions looked brittle and procedural, socialism looked international and class-bound, the Church remained a rival center of loyalty. Mussolini’s move is to declare the state itself the altar. If fascism is “religious,” dissent stops being a policy disagreement and starts reading as heresy. Opposition becomes not merely wrong but contaminating, a spiritual threat to the body politic. That framing licenses exceptional measures: violence can be cast as purification; censorship as protection of the faithful; unity as a moral demand rather than a negotiated compromise.
The subtext is competition. Fascism needs total allegiance, and religion is the only social force that has ever plausibly commanded it at scale. By calling fascism religious, Mussolini signals that it will offer its own liturgy: mass rallies as worship, the leader as a quasi-messianic figure, national rebirth as salvation history. It’s also a tactical nod to Catholic Italy: he’s hinting that fascism isn’t atheistic modernism, even as it tries to supersede the Church’s claim on consciences.
The line works because it’s audaciously self-revealing. It admits that fascism isn’t an argument to be weighed; it’s a faith to be inhabited. That’s precisely what makes it dangerous.
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| Topic | Deep |
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