"From 1918 on, trade unionists were to express from the platforms of their congresses the workers' desire for peace through a rational organization of the world"
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The line lands with the calm audacity of someone trying to convert grief into governance. In 1918, “peace” wasn’t a vague aspiration; it was a demand extracted from mass death, inflation, strikes, and the dawning sense that the old diplomatic order had turned Europe into a slaughterhouse. Jouhaux, a French labor leader speaking from the organized muscle of the unions, frames workers not as a pressure group but as a legitimate foreign-policy constituency. “From the platforms of their congresses” matters: he’s sanctifying union congresses as public stages where international order can be debated, not merely wages and hours.
The key phrase is “rational organization of the world.” It’s technocratic on purpose, a rebuke to the romantic nationalism and secret treaties that helped propel World War I. “Rational” implies that war is a bug, not a feature - an outcome of irrational elites, profiteering, and rival empires. The subtext is also defensive: if workers don’t articulate a coherent international program, they’ll be cast either as radicals bent on chaos (the fear after the Russian Revolution) or as parochial bargainers uninterested in the “national interest.”
Jouhaux is staking a claim for labor internationalism that doesn’t require insurrection: peace achieved through institutions, rules, and coordination - the labor movement’s mirror image of the League of Nations idea, but anchored in shop floors and strike committees. It’s idealistic, yes, but strategically so: he’s trying to make peace a workers’ policy platform, not a statesman’s trophy.
The key phrase is “rational organization of the world.” It’s technocratic on purpose, a rebuke to the romantic nationalism and secret treaties that helped propel World War I. “Rational” implies that war is a bug, not a feature - an outcome of irrational elites, profiteering, and rival empires. The subtext is also defensive: if workers don’t articulate a coherent international program, they’ll be cast either as radicals bent on chaos (the fear after the Russian Revolution) or as parochial bargainers uninterested in the “national interest.”
Jouhaux is staking a claim for labor internationalism that doesn’t require insurrection: peace achieved through institutions, rules, and coordination - the labor movement’s mirror image of the League of Nations idea, but anchored in shop floors and strike committees. It’s idealistic, yes, but strategically so: he’s trying to make peace a workers’ policy platform, not a statesman’s trophy.
Quote Details
| Topic | Peace |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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