"Furthermore, it is not distorting history to say that it was largely through the efforts and propaganda of our International Federation that the government of the U.S.S.R. was recognized by the majority of the great powers"
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A little boast, a little warning, and a lot of mid-century realpolitik sits inside Jouhaux's insistence that this is "not distorting history". He knows exactly what he is doing: preempting the accusation that labor leaders love to rewrite their own legend. By denying spin, he signals that spin is the subject. The line is a quietly aggressive claim that recognition of the U.S.S.R. was not merely the product of diplomats and crises, but something engineered from below through organized persuasion - "efforts and propaganda" made to sound like civic labor rather than ideological warfare.
Context matters. Jouhaux came out of French syndicalism and became a central figure in international labor politics at a moment when the Soviet experiment was both magnet and menace. In the interwar years and after, state recognition of the U.S.S.R. was a high-stakes act: it meant trade, security calculations, and a decision about whether Bolshevism was a temporary outbreak or a permanent government. Jouhaux positions the International Federation as a power broker in that liminal space, able to push "great powers" into treating the Soviets as a fact of life.
The subtext is institutional self-legitimation. By framing propaganda as a respectable tool of history-making, he recasts labor internationalism as a parallel foreign ministry - one with moral cover and mass leverage. It's also an admission of how modern recognition works: not just through chancelleries, but through narratives strong enough to make governments move without wanting to look pushed.
Context matters. Jouhaux came out of French syndicalism and became a central figure in international labor politics at a moment when the Soviet experiment was both magnet and menace. In the interwar years and after, state recognition of the U.S.S.R. was a high-stakes act: it meant trade, security calculations, and a decision about whether Bolshevism was a temporary outbreak or a permanent government. Jouhaux positions the International Federation as a power broker in that liminal space, able to push "great powers" into treating the Soviets as a fact of life.
The subtext is institutional self-legitimation. By framing propaganda as a respectable tool of history-making, he recasts labor internationalism as a parallel foreign ministry - one with moral cover and mass leverage. It's also an admission of how modern recognition works: not just through chancelleries, but through narratives strong enough to make governments move without wanting to look pushed.
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| Topic | Truth |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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