"Here we encounter two conflicting concepts with which we must come to grips in our time: the idea of national solidarity and the idea of international cooperation"
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Stresemann is staging a tightrope walk in a single sentence, and the tension is the point. “Here we encounter” sounds almost clinical, as if the conflict isn’t a choice but a fact of modern life: a new political weather system. Then he lands the punch: “we must come to grips.” The phrase carries a faint threat of struggle, implying that anyone selling an easy synthesis is either naive or lying.
The pairing is loaded. “National solidarity” is not just patriotism; it’s the glue of legitimacy in a mass-democratic age, especially in a Germany battered by defeat, hyperinflation, and humiliation after World War I. Stresemann knew that without some credible promise of national cohesion, the center collapses and extremists rush in. Yet he puts that idea on a collision course with “international cooperation,” a term that gestures toward the League of Nations, reparations diplomacy, and Germany’s return to the diplomatic table. Cooperation isn’t framed as idealism; it’s survival strategy in an interdependent Europe where isolation is a slow-motion disaster.
The subtext is political triage: how to sell international compromise to a domestic audience trained to read concession as betrayal. Stresemann’s genius was to treat reconciliation as a form of national interest, but he never pretended the slogans harmonize on their own. He names the contradiction because naming it grants permission to navigate it. In the Weimar context, that candor is also a warning: if “solidarity” becomes a shield against cooperation, it curdles into grievance. If “cooperation” ignores solidarity, it becomes technocratic rule without consent.
The pairing is loaded. “National solidarity” is not just patriotism; it’s the glue of legitimacy in a mass-democratic age, especially in a Germany battered by defeat, hyperinflation, and humiliation after World War I. Stresemann knew that without some credible promise of national cohesion, the center collapses and extremists rush in. Yet he puts that idea on a collision course with “international cooperation,” a term that gestures toward the League of Nations, reparations diplomacy, and Germany’s return to the diplomatic table. Cooperation isn’t framed as idealism; it’s survival strategy in an interdependent Europe where isolation is a slow-motion disaster.
The subtext is political triage: how to sell international compromise to a domestic audience trained to read concession as betrayal. Stresemann’s genius was to treat reconciliation as a form of national interest, but he never pretended the slogans harmonize on their own. He names the contradiction because naming it grants permission to navigate it. In the Weimar context, that candor is also a warning: if “solidarity” becomes a shield against cooperation, it curdles into grievance. If “cooperation” ignores solidarity, it becomes technocratic rule without consent.
Quote Details
| Topic | Peace |
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