"I always try to be reasonable and effective"
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“I always try to be reasonable and effective” is the kind of line that sounds like a virtue and functions like a shield. Coming from Ian Smith, the Rhodesian prime minister who led a white-minority regime through unilateral independence and international isolation, the phrase is less a self-description than a political tactic: to seize the language of moderation while practicing hard-edged power.
The intent is reputational. “Reasonable” frames his position as common sense rather than ideology; it implies opponents are emotional, reckless, or extremist. “Effective” is the technocrat’s alibi: judge me by outcomes, not by moral premises. Put together, the sentence performs managerial calm, a tone meant to reassure sympathetic audiences at home and confuse critics abroad. It’s governance-as-efficiency, stripped of the inconvenient question: effective for whom?
The subtext is that legitimacy can be laundered through demeanor. Smith’s project depended on projecting stability to white voters and to wary outsiders, especially as sanctions tightened and guerrilla war escalated. In that context, “reasonable” becomes a rhetorical border checkpoint: it defines acceptable demands (gradual change, controlled reforms) and delegitimizes majority-rule aspirations as unreasonable by default. “Always try” adds a final layer of plausible deniability, suggesting good faith even when policy outcomes entrench coercion.
What makes the line work is its banality. It’s hard to argue against reasonableness without sounding unreasonable, which is precisely why politicians in contested regimes reach for it. The sentence doesn’t persuade by evidence; it persuades by posture.
The intent is reputational. “Reasonable” frames his position as common sense rather than ideology; it implies opponents are emotional, reckless, or extremist. “Effective” is the technocrat’s alibi: judge me by outcomes, not by moral premises. Put together, the sentence performs managerial calm, a tone meant to reassure sympathetic audiences at home and confuse critics abroad. It’s governance-as-efficiency, stripped of the inconvenient question: effective for whom?
The subtext is that legitimacy can be laundered through demeanor. Smith’s project depended on projecting stability to white voters and to wary outsiders, especially as sanctions tightened and guerrilla war escalated. In that context, “reasonable” becomes a rhetorical border checkpoint: it defines acceptable demands (gradual change, controlled reforms) and delegitimizes majority-rule aspirations as unreasonable by default. “Always try” adds a final layer of plausible deniability, suggesting good faith even when policy outcomes entrench coercion.
What makes the line work is its banality. It’s hard to argue against reasonableness without sounding unreasonable, which is precisely why politicians in contested regimes reach for it. The sentence doesn’t persuade by evidence; it persuades by posture.
Quote Details
| Topic | Reason & Logic |
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