"I don't want to look like Connecticut, no offense, I don't want to look like Oklahoma, I don't want to look like California. I want to be uniquely Texas. And that's not to diss anybody else"
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Perry’s line is a master class in contemporary federalism-as-branding: politics spoken in the language of state identity, not policy memo. He isn’t arguing Texas should do X because it’s efficient or just; he’s arguing Texas should do X because it’s Texas. That move matters. “Uniquely Texas” turns governance into a cultural product, a lifestyle promise that voters can feel in their bones even if they can’t recite the legislation.
The list of states is doing quiet rhetorical work. Connecticut signals coastal technocracy and regulation; Oklahoma reads as a nearby foil, a reminder that Texas is “heartland” but supposedly bigger, brasher, more ambitious; California is the big antagonist, shorthand for liberal governance and cultural dominance. Perry wants Texas to be none of those things, which is another way of saying: Texas should define itself against national archetypes. The joke is that he has to name the archetypes to reject them.
Then comes the safety latch: “no offense… not to diss anybody else.” That’s the politician’s version of “with all due respect,” acknowledging the aggression while pretending it isn’t there. The subtext is competitive: states are rivals in a marketplace for jobs, migrants, and corporate relocations, and distinctiveness is a selling point. Contextually, this fits the era when red-state governors built national profiles by picking fights with Washington and contrasting their “business-friendly” rules with blue-state governance.
It works because it offers voters dignity without detail: not a spreadsheet, a swagger. Texas isn’t a place on the map here; it’s an argument about who gets to set the terms of American life.
The list of states is doing quiet rhetorical work. Connecticut signals coastal technocracy and regulation; Oklahoma reads as a nearby foil, a reminder that Texas is “heartland” but supposedly bigger, brasher, more ambitious; California is the big antagonist, shorthand for liberal governance and cultural dominance. Perry wants Texas to be none of those things, which is another way of saying: Texas should define itself against national archetypes. The joke is that he has to name the archetypes to reject them.
Then comes the safety latch: “no offense… not to diss anybody else.” That’s the politician’s version of “with all due respect,” acknowledging the aggression while pretending it isn’t there. The subtext is competitive: states are rivals in a marketplace for jobs, migrants, and corporate relocations, and distinctiveness is a selling point. Contextually, this fits the era when red-state governors built national profiles by picking fights with Washington and contrasting their “business-friendly” rules with blue-state governance.
It works because it offers voters dignity without detail: not a spreadsheet, a swagger. Texas isn’t a place on the map here; it’s an argument about who gets to set the terms of American life.
Quote Details
| Topic | Pride |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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