"I would put our legislative and foreign policy accomplishments in our first two years against any president - with the possible exceptions of Johnson, FDR, and Lincoln - just in terms of what we've gotten done in modern history. But, you know, but when it comes to the economy, we've got a lot more work to do. And we're gonna keep on at it"
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Swagger with a safety clause: that’s the whole move here. Obama is doing a delicate two-step between bragging and apology, trying to sound like a winner without tripping the cultural wire Americans reserve for presidents who celebrate too soon. The sentence is built like a scale model of political risk management: a big claim ("against any president"), immediately hedged ("possible exceptions"), then grounded by a concession ("the economy...a lot more work to do"), and sealed with persistence ("keep on at it"). It’s confidence engineered to survive tomorrow’s headline.
The name-checking is doing heavy lifting. Lincoln, FDR, Johnson aren’t just “good presidents”; they’re avatars of crisis governance and transformational legislation. By placing himself in that vicinity, Obama frames his early agenda - stimulus, health care reform, financial regulation, the end of "don’t ask, don’t tell" era shifts - as structurally historic, not merely partisan. It’s an argument that bureaucracy itself can be heroic, that governing is still capable of big lifts in an era defined by gridlock.
The subtext is more anxious than triumphant. This comes from the post-2008 hangover years, when legislative wins didn’t translate into felt economic recovery fast enough. Voters don’t live inside bill text; they live inside rent, wages, and job searches. Obama’s implicit request: judge me by outputs and trajectory, not by today’s pain. The repeated “but” is the tell - he knows accomplishments don’t cash out politically if the economy won’t cooperate.
The name-checking is doing heavy lifting. Lincoln, FDR, Johnson aren’t just “good presidents”; they’re avatars of crisis governance and transformational legislation. By placing himself in that vicinity, Obama frames his early agenda - stimulus, health care reform, financial regulation, the end of "don’t ask, don’t tell" era shifts - as structurally historic, not merely partisan. It’s an argument that bureaucracy itself can be heroic, that governing is still capable of big lifts in an era defined by gridlock.
The subtext is more anxious than triumphant. This comes from the post-2008 hangover years, when legislative wins didn’t translate into felt economic recovery fast enough. Voters don’t live inside bill text; they live inside rent, wages, and job searches. Obama’s implicit request: judge me by outputs and trajectory, not by today’s pain. The repeated “but” is the tell - he knows accomplishments don’t cash out politically if the economy won’t cooperate.
Quote Details
| Topic | Leadership |
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