"I'd like President Bush to think maybe there's another way to think, that maybe Kissinger was wrong when he says we had to go in there because he was wrong about Vietnam"
About this Quote
It lands like a slightly tangled sentence because it’s a slightly tangled moment: an actor reaching past his lane and grabbing for moral clarity in real time. F. Murray Abraham isn’t delivering a polished manifesto; he’s improvising a civic intervention, aimed less at winning an argument than at jarring a president out of autopilot.
The specific intent is plain: stop treating military intervention as inevitability. By asking Bush to “think maybe there’s another way to think,” Abraham frames policy not as destiny but as a choice, and choice implies accountability. The word “maybe” does a lot of work here. It softens the demand just enough to make it sound like an invitation rather than an indictment, even as the underlying message is accusatory: you’re repeating an old script.
Kissinger is the proxy target, a shorthand for a whole school of hard-nosed, elite consensus. Dragging Vietnam into the frame is not a history lesson; it’s a cultural alarm bell. Vietnam functions as America’s cautionary myth about arrogance, bad intelligence, and leaders who couldn’t admit error without escalating it. Saying “he was wrong about Vietnam” isn’t just about Kissinger’s record; it’s about the seductive idea that “serious” people have to be hawkish to be serious at all.
Coming from an actor, the subtext is also about narratives: who gets to author the story of war, whose expertise counts, and why certain men keep getting cast in the role of wise counselor even after the last production flopped. The clumsiness becomes part of the persuasion. It reads like urgency, not branding.
The specific intent is plain: stop treating military intervention as inevitability. By asking Bush to “think maybe there’s another way to think,” Abraham frames policy not as destiny but as a choice, and choice implies accountability. The word “maybe” does a lot of work here. It softens the demand just enough to make it sound like an invitation rather than an indictment, even as the underlying message is accusatory: you’re repeating an old script.
Kissinger is the proxy target, a shorthand for a whole school of hard-nosed, elite consensus. Dragging Vietnam into the frame is not a history lesson; it’s a cultural alarm bell. Vietnam functions as America’s cautionary myth about arrogance, bad intelligence, and leaders who couldn’t admit error without escalating it. Saying “he was wrong about Vietnam” isn’t just about Kissinger’s record; it’s about the seductive idea that “serious” people have to be hawkish to be serious at all.
Coming from an actor, the subtext is also about narratives: who gets to author the story of war, whose expertise counts, and why certain men keep getting cast in the role of wise counselor even after the last production flopped. The clumsiness becomes part of the persuasion. It reads like urgency, not branding.
Quote Details
| Topic | War |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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