"If the cultural elite has its way, the U.S. will be much more like Europe"
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The barb here is in the conditional: "If the cultural elite has its way" frames Europeanization not as a natural evolution but as an imposed project, steered by tastemakers rather than voters. Berger, a sociologist who spent his career dissecting how ideas harden into institutions, is doing more than predicting convergence. He is naming a power struggle over what counts as "normal" in America.
"Culture" and "elite" are doing heavy lifting. The phrase bundles professors, media gatekeepers, philanthropic boards, and bureaucratic expertise into a single actor with coherent preferences. That compression is strategic: it invites readers to feel governed by ambience - the slow pressure of respectable opinion - rather than by law. Berger's subtext is that political debates about welfare, religion, sexuality, or national identity are downstream of softer mechanisms: curriculum, prestige, editorial framing, and the social rewards of being "enlightened."
"Much more like Europe" is deliberately vague, which is why it works. It lets different anxieties snap into place: a larger social safety net, heavier regulation, weaker religious authority, a more technocratic state, a less muscular nationalism. Europe becomes a symbolic package: older, cooler, more managed. To some, that is aspiration; to others, decline. Berger leverages that ambiguity to make the forecast feel self-evident without litigating specifics.
Context matters: late-20th-century American arguments about secularization and modernization often treated Europe as the endpoint. Berger famously complicated that story, later emphasizing religion's persistence. This line reads like a warning shot in that debate: not "history demands it", but "someone wants it."
"Culture" and "elite" are doing heavy lifting. The phrase bundles professors, media gatekeepers, philanthropic boards, and bureaucratic expertise into a single actor with coherent preferences. That compression is strategic: it invites readers to feel governed by ambience - the slow pressure of respectable opinion - rather than by law. Berger's subtext is that political debates about welfare, religion, sexuality, or national identity are downstream of softer mechanisms: curriculum, prestige, editorial framing, and the social rewards of being "enlightened."
"Much more like Europe" is deliberately vague, which is why it works. It lets different anxieties snap into place: a larger social safety net, heavier regulation, weaker religious authority, a more technocratic state, a less muscular nationalism. Europe becomes a symbolic package: older, cooler, more managed. To some, that is aspiration; to others, decline. Berger leverages that ambiguity to make the forecast feel self-evident without litigating specifics.
Context matters: late-20th-century American arguments about secularization and modernization often treated Europe as the endpoint. Berger famously complicated that story, later emphasizing religion's persistence. This line reads like a warning shot in that debate: not "history demands it", but "someone wants it."
Quote Details
| Topic | Freedom |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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