"In my opinion, assassination theories will continue to revolve around these assassinations as they have around several other significant assassinations in American history. The assassination of President Lincoln comes to mind"
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Stokes is doing something politicians do when they want to lower the temperature without sounding dismissive: he normalizes paranoia. By predicting that “assassination theories will continue,” he isn’t validating any particular claim; he’s positioning conspiracy as a recurring civic reflex, almost a cultural weather pattern. That framing quietly shifts the debate from evidence to sociology: the point isn’t what happened, it’s what Americans predictably do after something shattering happens.
The phrase “in my opinion” is a softener with a hard purpose. It signals restraint and humility while staking authority. Stokes (best known for chairing the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the late 1970s) speaks from a place where the stakes include institutional legitimacy. His subtext: even when government investigates, a portion of the public will treat official conclusions as just another contestant in an endless argument. That’s less a complaint than a concession to history.
Invoking Lincoln is strategic. Lincoln’s killing is the “classic” American assassination: foundational, heavily mythologized, and still mined for alternate plots. By reaching back to the 1860s, Stokes implies that conspiracy isn’t a symptom of the television age or CIA-era mistrust; it’s older, baked into the national narrative of power and vulnerability. It also smuggles in a warning: these deaths become symbolic battlegrounds where Americans litigate their anxieties about governance, secrecy, and who really holds control. Stokes’s intent is steadying: don’t expect closure, because the country rarely grants it.
The phrase “in my opinion” is a softener with a hard purpose. It signals restraint and humility while staking authority. Stokes (best known for chairing the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the late 1970s) speaks from a place where the stakes include institutional legitimacy. His subtext: even when government investigates, a portion of the public will treat official conclusions as just another contestant in an endless argument. That’s less a complaint than a concession to history.
Invoking Lincoln is strategic. Lincoln’s killing is the “classic” American assassination: foundational, heavily mythologized, and still mined for alternate plots. By reaching back to the 1860s, Stokes implies that conspiracy isn’t a symptom of the television age or CIA-era mistrust; it’s older, baked into the national narrative of power and vulnerability. It also smuggles in a warning: these deaths become symbolic battlegrounds where Americans litigate their anxieties about governance, secrecy, and who really holds control. Stokes’s intent is steadying: don’t expect closure, because the country rarely grants it.
Quote Details
| Topic | Legacy & Remembrance |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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