"In particular, the efforts to reestablish peace after the World War have been directed toward the formation of states and the regulation of their frontiers according to a consciously national program"
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The sentence lands with the quiet chill of a diagnosis: peace, after the First World War, is being rebuilt not around shared security but around paperwork, borders, and the tidy fiction that nations map neatly onto peoples. Christian Lous Lange, a Norwegian politician and Nobel Peace Prize-winning internationalist, is speaking from inside the interwar experiment where diplomats treated frontiers like sutures for a continent’s wounds. His phrasing gives away both his precision and his unease. “Consciously national program” reads less like praise than a warning label.
The intent is to name the operating principle of the Versailles-era settlement: self-determination turned into statecraft. New states are “formed,” frontiers “regulated,” as if peace can be engineered through administrative geometry. Lange’s diction is bureaucratic on purpose; it mirrors the technocratic optimism of the period while hinting at its blindness. You can hear the subtext: a border may be legible to a treaty, but it is rarely legible to lived identity.
Context sharpens the critique. The postwar order produced Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and a reshaped Baltic region, but it also stranded minorities on the “wrong” side of newly sanctified lines. National programs promised stability; they also legitimized grievance, revisionism, and the idea that war could be a tool for “correcting” maps. Lange is tracing how an ostensibly peace-making project smuggles in a volatile premise: that the nation-state is the natural unit of justice.
What makes the line work is its restraint. He doesn’t sermonize. He catalogs. The understated tone implies a larger fear: that peace built on national sorting is not peace at all, just a pause that teaches the next conflict where to aim.
The intent is to name the operating principle of the Versailles-era settlement: self-determination turned into statecraft. New states are “formed,” frontiers “regulated,” as if peace can be engineered through administrative geometry. Lange’s diction is bureaucratic on purpose; it mirrors the technocratic optimism of the period while hinting at its blindness. You can hear the subtext: a border may be legible to a treaty, but it is rarely legible to lived identity.
Context sharpens the critique. The postwar order produced Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and a reshaped Baltic region, but it also stranded minorities on the “wrong” side of newly sanctified lines. National programs promised stability; they also legitimized grievance, revisionism, and the idea that war could be a tool for “correcting” maps. Lange is tracing how an ostensibly peace-making project smuggles in a volatile premise: that the nation-state is the natural unit of justice.
What makes the line work is its restraint. He doesn’t sermonize. He catalogs. The understated tone implies a larger fear: that peace built on national sorting is not peace at all, just a pause that teaches the next conflict where to aim.
Quote Details
| Topic | Peace |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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