"In the new century, we should continue to work together to safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of the vast number of developing countries including China and India and promote the establishment of a just and equitable new international political and economic order"
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A phrase like "new international political and economic order" is diplomatic velvet over a hard-edged agenda: power redistribution. Li Peng isn’t offering a kumbaya vision of global cooperation; he’s staking a claim that the post-Cold War system, largely written by the US and its allies, is neither neutral nor finished. The “new century” framing does two jobs at once. It borrows the moral freshness of a turning calendar page, and it signals a pivot point: globalization is accelerating, and China wants rule-making authority, not just market access.
The key tell is the careful stacking of “legitimate rights and interests” with “vast number of developing countries.” “Legitimate” implies a tribunal where some claims have been treated as illegitimate - think trade barriers, technology controls, IMF conditionality, human rights pressure. By placing China and India inside the “developing” umbrella, Li ties two rising powers to a broader coalition, converting national ambition into collective grievance. It’s rhetoric that turns scale into ethics: if the majority of humanity is “developing,” then the moral burden shifts to the wealthy states to yield.
“Just and equitable” does not describe a specific policy; it’s a shield against scrutiny. Who could oppose justice? That vagueness is the point: it allows Beijing to criticize existing institutions (UN Security Council hierarchies, financial governance, sanctions regimes) without naming reforms that might alarm partners or concede ground. Coming from Li Peng - a public servant associated with the Chinese state’s emphasis on stability and sovereignty - the subtext is also non-interference: economic fairness, yes; political lectures, no.
The key tell is the careful stacking of “legitimate rights and interests” with “vast number of developing countries.” “Legitimate” implies a tribunal where some claims have been treated as illegitimate - think trade barriers, technology controls, IMF conditionality, human rights pressure. By placing China and India inside the “developing” umbrella, Li ties two rising powers to a broader coalition, converting national ambition into collective grievance. It’s rhetoric that turns scale into ethics: if the majority of humanity is “developing,” then the moral burden shifts to the wealthy states to yield.
“Just and equitable” does not describe a specific policy; it’s a shield against scrutiny. Who could oppose justice? That vagueness is the point: it allows Beijing to criticize existing institutions (UN Security Council hierarchies, financial governance, sanctions regimes) without naming reforms that might alarm partners or concede ground. Coming from Li Peng - a public servant associated with the Chinese state’s emphasis on stability and sovereignty - the subtext is also non-interference: economic fairness, yes; political lectures, no.
Quote Details
| Topic | Equality |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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