"It is estimated that raising the retirement age to 70 would cut the shortfall by about 36%. But this proposal has some drawbacks. Women and men who have worked jobs that require manual labor all of their lives may not physically be able to do work until they are 70 years old"
About this Quote
“Raise the retirement age” is the kind of policy phrase that sounds like math: a clean lever you pull to make an ugly deficit graph behave. Steve Israel leads with that technocratic seduction, putting “36%” front and center to borrow the authority of actuarial tables and budget scorekeepers. The number functions as a moral alibi: if the fix is quantifiable, it must be responsible.
Then he punctures it with bodies.
The pivot to “drawbacks” isn’t just empathy; it’s a strategic reframing of what counts as a cost. Israel’s subtext is that retirement policy is never purely fiscal because time is not distributed equally. A later retirement age is easiest to absorb if your work is cognitive, flexible, and less punishing on joints and backs. For the people whose labor has already been “spent” physically, the proposal reads less like belt-tightening and more like moving the finish line.
His mention of “women and men” does quiet political work, too. It signals broad coalition concern while hinting at gendered realities without litigating them: caregiving interruptions, lower lifetime earnings, and the fact that “manual labor” often sits in the same economic neighborhoods as worse health outcomes and shorter life expectancy. In that light, raising the age isn’t neutral reform; it’s redistribution upward, asking those with the least physical margin to subsidize solvency.
Contextually, this is a lawmaker speaking in the language of compromise: concede the budget problem, validate a popular-sounding fix, then expose its inequity. The intent is to make “efficiency” compete with fairness on the same page, not in separate debates.
Then he punctures it with bodies.
The pivot to “drawbacks” isn’t just empathy; it’s a strategic reframing of what counts as a cost. Israel’s subtext is that retirement policy is never purely fiscal because time is not distributed equally. A later retirement age is easiest to absorb if your work is cognitive, flexible, and less punishing on joints and backs. For the people whose labor has already been “spent” physically, the proposal reads less like belt-tightening and more like moving the finish line.
His mention of “women and men” does quiet political work, too. It signals broad coalition concern while hinting at gendered realities without litigating them: caregiving interruptions, lower lifetime earnings, and the fact that “manual labor” often sits in the same economic neighborhoods as worse health outcomes and shorter life expectancy. In that light, raising the age isn’t neutral reform; it’s redistribution upward, asking those with the least physical margin to subsidize solvency.
Contextually, this is a lawmaker speaking in the language of compromise: concede the budget problem, validate a popular-sounding fix, then expose its inequity. The intent is to make “efficiency” compete with fairness on the same page, not in separate debates.
Quote Details
| Topic | Retirement |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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