"Mr. Speaker, I am deeply concerned that many regions of this world are suffering from the effects of armed conflicts with religious aspects. I believe that the differences of faith are not the real reason for these conflicts"
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Hastings is doing something politicians do when they want to sound morally urgent without stepping on a live wire: he names religion as the visible flame, then quietly points to the gasoline underneath. “Armed conflicts with religious aspects” is careful phrasing. It concedes what viewers can plainly see - sectarian slogans, sacred sites, clerical leaders - while refusing to let religion take the blame, or the alibi. The line “differences of faith are not the real reason” is a pivot from theology to power: resources, territory, patronage networks, authoritarian survival, foreign meddling. Faith becomes branding, not causation.
The intent is also procedural. “Mr. Speaker” signals a floor speech designed for the public record, the kind meant to frame how Congress talks about global violence. Hastings is warning colleagues against the easy narrative that lets everyone off the hook: if “they’ve always hated each other,” then policy can be limited to handwringing. If the conflict is actually about governance failures, exploitation, and geopolitical incentives, then outside actors - including the United States - have leverage and responsibility.
There’s subtext in the moral posture, too. By stripping religion of “real” causality, Hastings avoids demonizing entire faith communities and keeps the door open for coalition-building: interfaith diplomacy, humanitarian aid, civil-society partnerships. It’s a message tailored to a pluralistic audience at home as much as to battlefields abroad.
The rhetorical move works because it challenges a seductive simplification. Hastings isn’t denying the role of belief; he’s denying its sufficiency. In an era when “religious war” sells as an explanation, he insists on the less cinematic truth: people weaponize identity when it’s useful.
The intent is also procedural. “Mr. Speaker” signals a floor speech designed for the public record, the kind meant to frame how Congress talks about global violence. Hastings is warning colleagues against the easy narrative that lets everyone off the hook: if “they’ve always hated each other,” then policy can be limited to handwringing. If the conflict is actually about governance failures, exploitation, and geopolitical incentives, then outside actors - including the United States - have leverage and responsibility.
There’s subtext in the moral posture, too. By stripping religion of “real” causality, Hastings avoids demonizing entire faith communities and keeps the door open for coalition-building: interfaith diplomacy, humanitarian aid, civil-society partnerships. It’s a message tailored to a pluralistic audience at home as much as to battlefields abroad.
The rhetorical move works because it challenges a seductive simplification. Hastings isn’t denying the role of belief; he’s denying its sufficiency. In an era when “religious war” sells as an explanation, he insists on the less cinematic truth: people weaponize identity when it’s useful.
Quote Details
| Topic | War |
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