"Otherwise we get off the track and we do not fulfil the historical role which we want to fulfil: to help the masses, the exploited and the oppressed of the world, build a classless society, a world socialist federation"
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There’s a bracing, almost managerial anxiety running under Mandel’s utopian horizon: history is a train, the movement has a timetable, and politics is judged by whether it stays “on the track.” That metaphor does two things at once. It projects confidence - socialism as an objective direction rather than a debatable preference - and it smuggles in discipline. “Otherwise” is the hinge: dissent, drift, or tactical improvisation aren’t just mistakes; they’re derailments from a preassigned “historical role.”
Mandel’s phrasing is steeped in a Marxist tradition that treats mass politics as both emancipatory and instructional. “We want to fulfil” admits desire and agency, but “historical role” invokes something larger than individual will: the movement is cast as the midwife of necessity. That’s the subtextual bargain offered to militants and readers: sacrifice and cohesion now, vindication later.
The moral center of gravity is unmistakable. By stacking “the masses, the exploited and the oppressed,” Mandel builds an inclusive constituency defined by material harm, not identity or nationality. It’s internationalist, impatient with borders, and strategically so: a “world socialist federation” is not just an ideal, but a solution to capitalism’s global reach.
Context matters. Writing as a Trotskyist economist and organizer in the Cold War’s long shadow, Mandel is implicitly arguing against both capitalist triumphalism and bureaucratic socialism’s dead ends. The insistence on staying “on the track” reads like an internal warning: don’t confuse state-managed order with liberation; don’t let the revolution become an institution that forgets who it claimed to serve.
Mandel’s phrasing is steeped in a Marxist tradition that treats mass politics as both emancipatory and instructional. “We want to fulfil” admits desire and agency, but “historical role” invokes something larger than individual will: the movement is cast as the midwife of necessity. That’s the subtextual bargain offered to militants and readers: sacrifice and cohesion now, vindication later.
The moral center of gravity is unmistakable. By stacking “the masses, the exploited and the oppressed,” Mandel builds an inclusive constituency defined by material harm, not identity or nationality. It’s internationalist, impatient with borders, and strategically so: a “world socialist federation” is not just an ideal, but a solution to capitalism’s global reach.
Context matters. Writing as a Trotskyist economist and organizer in the Cold War’s long shadow, Mandel is implicitly arguing against both capitalist triumphalism and bureaucratic socialism’s dead ends. The insistence on staying “on the track” reads like an internal warning: don’t confuse state-managed order with liberation; don’t let the revolution become an institution that forgets who it claimed to serve.
Quote Details
| Topic | Equality |
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