"So I think one can say on empirical grounds - not because of some philosophical principle - that you can't have democracy unless you have a market economy"
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Berger’s line is a tidy provocation dressed up as modest empiricism: don’t argue with me about ideals, he implies, argue with the track record. By rejecting “some philosophical principle,” he sidesteps the most obvious critique (that he’s smuggling in a pro-capitalist value judgment) and instead claims the authority of comparative sociology. It’s a rhetorical judo move: he frames the market not as a moral good but as a functional prerequisite, like oxygen for a political system.
The subtext is less neutral than it sounds. “You can’t have democracy unless…” casts the market as democracy’s enabling infrastructure: dispersed power, independent institutions, plural sources of income, and a civil society not wholly dependent on the state. In that view, private property and competition aren’t just economic tools; they’re political safeguards. Berger is also signaling skepticism toward socialist or state-planned projects that promise political freedom while centralizing economic power. If the state controls the paycheck, it can control the vote.
Context matters: Berger wrote and spoke across the Cold War and its aftermath, when “actually existing socialism” routinely delivered one-party rule, censorship, and secret police, while many market-based societies at least permitted competitive elections and a semi-autonomous public sphere. Still, the claim is intentionally blunt, inviting pushback from counterexamples: market economies that tolerate authoritarianism (Pinochet-era Chile, contemporary Singapore, today’s China’s hybrid), and democracies that thrive with heavy redistribution. Berger’s bet is that markets don’t guarantee democracy, but without them democracy is structurally outgunned by the state.
The subtext is less neutral than it sounds. “You can’t have democracy unless…” casts the market as democracy’s enabling infrastructure: dispersed power, independent institutions, plural sources of income, and a civil society not wholly dependent on the state. In that view, private property and competition aren’t just economic tools; they’re political safeguards. Berger is also signaling skepticism toward socialist or state-planned projects that promise political freedom while centralizing economic power. If the state controls the paycheck, it can control the vote.
Context matters: Berger wrote and spoke across the Cold War and its aftermath, when “actually existing socialism” routinely delivered one-party rule, censorship, and secret police, while many market-based societies at least permitted competitive elections and a semi-autonomous public sphere. Still, the claim is intentionally blunt, inviting pushback from counterexamples: market economies that tolerate authoritarianism (Pinochet-era Chile, contemporary Singapore, today’s China’s hybrid), and democracies that thrive with heavy redistribution. Berger’s bet is that markets don’t guarantee democracy, but without them democracy is structurally outgunned by the state.
Quote Details
| Topic | Freedom |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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