"So, we're saying, if we can give developers and builders incentives to cut down on the regulatory barriers that are faced in this country, then we might be able to address the needs of affordable housing"
About this Quote
Regulation is cast here as both villain and bargaining chip: a problem that can be "cut down" if government offers the right incentives, and a gateway that private actors must be coaxed through to deliver a public good. Alphonso Jackson, speaking as a public servant, isn’t trying to romanticize affordable housing; he’s trying to make it administratively legible. The sentence reads like policy being assembled in real time - cautious, conditional, heavy on "if" and "might" - which is exactly its tell. This is a bureaucrat’s rhetoric of risk management: promise just enough to sound proactive, hedge enough to avoid owning outcomes he can’t fully control.
The specific intent is to shift the center of gravity in the housing debate from direct public provision to market-enabled production. "Developers and builders" come first; "needs of affordable housing" comes last, as the hoped-for downstream effect. That ordering matters. It frames affordability as something that emerges when the supply machine is unjammed, not as something guaranteed through enforcement, subsidies to tenants, or public construction.
The subtext is a political trade: local rules, permitting delays, zoning constraints, and compliance costs are treated as friction - and therefore as negotiable. Incentives become a way to sidestep direct confrontation with entrenched regulatory regimes (often local, often popular with homeowners) while still signaling action. In the mid-2000s context Jackson operated in, this reflects a broader bipartisan instinct: address housing stress by making the private sector build more, faster, and with fewer procedural obstacles, even if the word "affordable" remains strategically vague about price points, timelines, and who actually benefits.
The specific intent is to shift the center of gravity in the housing debate from direct public provision to market-enabled production. "Developers and builders" come first; "needs of affordable housing" comes last, as the hoped-for downstream effect. That ordering matters. It frames affordability as something that emerges when the supply machine is unjammed, not as something guaranteed through enforcement, subsidies to tenants, or public construction.
The subtext is a political trade: local rules, permitting delays, zoning constraints, and compliance costs are treated as friction - and therefore as negotiable. Incentives become a way to sidestep direct confrontation with entrenched regulatory regimes (often local, often popular with homeowners) while still signaling action. In the mid-2000s context Jackson operated in, this reflects a broader bipartisan instinct: address housing stress by making the private sector build more, faster, and with fewer procedural obstacles, even if the word "affordable" remains strategically vague about price points, timelines, and who actually benefits.
Quote Details
| Topic | Justice |
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