"Socialism proposes no adequate substitute for the motive of enlightened selfishness that today is at the basis of all human labor and effort, enterprise and new activity"
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Taft’s sentence is doing more than swatting at “socialism”; it’s sanctifying a particular moral psychology as the engine of modern life. By calling self-interest “enlightened,” he scrubs it clean of greed and recasts it as a civic virtue: ambition that, properly channeled, pays its social taxes in the form of jobs, invention, and growth. The move is rhetorical judo. Instead of arguing about redistribution or ownership, he shifts the battlefield to motivation, implying that any system that can’t reliably harness desire will stall out in stagnation.
The subtext is an establishment anxiety about mass politics in the early 20th century. Taft governed in an era of strikes, industrial unrest, and rising socialist parties internationally, with the Russian Revolution still fresh enough to haunt boardrooms and editorial pages. Framing socialism as motivationally deficient lets him portray it not as an alternative set of priorities but as a category error about human nature. If people work because they can better their lot, then the state’s promise of collective provision reads as an incentive vacuum.
It also flatters the existing order: capitalism is presented not as coercive (wage dependence, monopolies, unequal bargaining power) but as voluntary “enterprise and new activity.” The line’s quiet premise is that labor, innovation, and risk-taking are basically elective behaviors awaiting the right personal payoff. That’s politically convenient for a president whose brand was cautious constitutionalism: defend the system by declaring it psychologically inevitable, and opponents become utopians gambling with the fuel supply of civilization.
The subtext is an establishment anxiety about mass politics in the early 20th century. Taft governed in an era of strikes, industrial unrest, and rising socialist parties internationally, with the Russian Revolution still fresh enough to haunt boardrooms and editorial pages. Framing socialism as motivationally deficient lets him portray it not as an alternative set of priorities but as a category error about human nature. If people work because they can better their lot, then the state’s promise of collective provision reads as an incentive vacuum.
It also flatters the existing order: capitalism is presented not as coercive (wage dependence, monopolies, unequal bargaining power) but as voluntary “enterprise and new activity.” The line’s quiet premise is that labor, innovation, and risk-taking are basically elective behaviors awaiting the right personal payoff. That’s politically convenient for a president whose brand was cautious constitutionalism: defend the system by declaring it psychologically inevitable, and opponents become utopians gambling with the fuel supply of civilization.
Quote Details
| Topic | Work Ethic |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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