"The enemy is not just terrorism. It is the threat posed specifically by Islamist terrorism, by Bin Ladin and others who draw on a long tradition of extreme intolerance within a minority strain of Islam that does not distinguish politics from religion, and distorts both"
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Cornyn’s sentence is engineered to do two things at once: narrow the target and widen the permission slip. By insisting the enemy is “not just terrorism” but “specifically… Islamist terrorism,” he frames the post-9/11 security debate as a question of naming, not of strategy. The rhetorical move is less descriptive than disciplinary: it warns that any reluctance to foreground “Islamist” is evasive, even naïve. In that light, “specifically” functions like a dare.
The subtext is coalition management. He gestures toward care by carving out “a minority strain of Islam,” a prophylactic clause meant to blunt accusations of bigotry while still tethering the threat to Islam as a civilizational story. But the follow-up - “a long tradition of extreme intolerance” - quietly re-expands the frame. “Minority strain” reads narrow; “long tradition” reads deep, historical, and hard to dislodge. That tension is the point: he wants the moral clarity of a named enemy without the political cost of appearing to indict an entire faith.
Placing “Bin Ladin” up front personalizes the threat, then immediately abstracts it into ideology: an “intolerance” that “does not distinguish politics from religion.” That phrase smuggles in an American assumption - that legitimate religion stays private - and uses it as a diagnostic tool. It’s also a policy argument: if the enemy is an ideological fusion, then surveillance, war, and domestic policing can be framed as culture-defense, not just crime prevention.
Contextually, this is the language of the War on Terror’s middle years: a fight over what to call the adversary, and how much civil-liberty risk the public would tolerate once the threat is cast as theological as well as tactical.
The subtext is coalition management. He gestures toward care by carving out “a minority strain of Islam,” a prophylactic clause meant to blunt accusations of bigotry while still tethering the threat to Islam as a civilizational story. But the follow-up - “a long tradition of extreme intolerance” - quietly re-expands the frame. “Minority strain” reads narrow; “long tradition” reads deep, historical, and hard to dislodge. That tension is the point: he wants the moral clarity of a named enemy without the political cost of appearing to indict an entire faith.
Placing “Bin Ladin” up front personalizes the threat, then immediately abstracts it into ideology: an “intolerance” that “does not distinguish politics from religion.” That phrase smuggles in an American assumption - that legitimate religion stays private - and uses it as a diagnostic tool. It’s also a policy argument: if the enemy is an ideological fusion, then surveillance, war, and domestic policing can be framed as culture-defense, not just crime prevention.
Contextually, this is the language of the War on Terror’s middle years: a fight over what to call the adversary, and how much civil-liberty risk the public would tolerate once the threat is cast as theological as well as tactical.
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| Topic | War |
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