"The functions of these elders, therefore, determine the power of the people; for a representative is one chosen by others to do in their name what they are entitled to do in their own persons; or rather to exercise the powers which radically inhere in those for whom they act"
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Hodge is doing something slyly modern in old church language: he’s grounding authority not in charisma, lineage, or even “office” as a mystical status, but in delegated power. “Radically inhere” is the tell. He’s not saying elders are a spiritual aristocracy; he’s saying they’re agents. Their legitimacy comes from what the people already possess by right and then entrust, temporarily and conditionally, to representatives.
That framing carries a double intent. On the surface it’s Presbyterian polity: elders govern, but they do so as representatives of the congregation. Underneath it’s a prophylactic against two temptations that haunted 19th-century American Protestantism: episcopal-style hierarchy on one side, and untethered populism on the other. Hodge wants order without surrendering the Reformation’s anti-clerical instinct. He also wants participation without turning every decision into a referendum.
Context matters. Writing in a United States drenched in republican rhetoric, Hodge borrows the moral prestige of political representation to defend ecclesial governance. He’s effectively saying: if you accept that citizens delegate power to legislators, you can accept that church members delegate authority to elders. The political analogy is not incidental; it’s a cultural bridge for a democratic age suspicious of imposed rule.
The subtext is accountability. If representatives only “exercise the powers” that belong to those they serve, then the people retain the right to evaluate, correct, or replace them. Hodge isn’t romantic about “the people,” but he refuses to let leaders pretend their power originates in themselves. In one sentence, he turns church authority into a trust, not a throne.
That framing carries a double intent. On the surface it’s Presbyterian polity: elders govern, but they do so as representatives of the congregation. Underneath it’s a prophylactic against two temptations that haunted 19th-century American Protestantism: episcopal-style hierarchy on one side, and untethered populism on the other. Hodge wants order without surrendering the Reformation’s anti-clerical instinct. He also wants participation without turning every decision into a referendum.
Context matters. Writing in a United States drenched in republican rhetoric, Hodge borrows the moral prestige of political representation to defend ecclesial governance. He’s effectively saying: if you accept that citizens delegate power to legislators, you can accept that church members delegate authority to elders. The political analogy is not incidental; it’s a cultural bridge for a democratic age suspicious of imposed rule.
The subtext is accountability. If representatives only “exercise the powers” that belong to those they serve, then the people retain the right to evaluate, correct, or replace them. Hodge isn’t romantic about “the people,” but he refuses to let leaders pretend their power originates in themselves. In one sentence, he turns church authority into a trust, not a throne.
Quote Details
| Topic | Freedom |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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