"The kind of corruption the media talk about, the kind the Supreme Court was concerned about, involves the putative sale of votes in exchange for campaign contributions"
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Buckley’s line is doing something politicians rarely do in public: narrowing the definition of “corruption” until it becomes almost vanishingly specific. By anchoring the term to “the putative sale of votes,” he sketches corruption as a crude quid pro quo - a brown-bag exchange, legible enough to prosecute, deniable enough to dismiss as rare. The word “putative” matters. It’s a lawyerly wink that both acknowledges the allegation and drains it of certainty, a rhetorical solvent that turns moral outrage into a technical claim.
The subtext is a defense of the post-Watergate, post-Buckley v. Valeo settlement where money is treated less like a contaminant and more like a protected form of political participation. If corruption only counts when a vote is literally for sale, then the more common anxieties voters feel - access purchased through donations, agendas shaped by fear of losing funding, lawmakers internalizing donor priorities before anyone asks - are demoted to mere “influence,” not illegitimacy. That’s the point: influence becomes politics-as-usual, safely outside the category that triggers constitutional alarm.
Contextually, Buckley is speaking from inside a conservative legal tradition that wants bright lines courts can enforce and suspects that broader anti-corruption standards are really a cover for regulating speech. It’s not naive; it’s strategic. Define corruption narrowly, and you protect campaign finance practices broadly, while sounding like you’re simply clarifying what the Supreme Court “was concerned about.” The sentence reads like civics; it functions like insulation.
The subtext is a defense of the post-Watergate, post-Buckley v. Valeo settlement where money is treated less like a contaminant and more like a protected form of political participation. If corruption only counts when a vote is literally for sale, then the more common anxieties voters feel - access purchased through donations, agendas shaped by fear of losing funding, lawmakers internalizing donor priorities before anyone asks - are demoted to mere “influence,” not illegitimacy. That’s the point: influence becomes politics-as-usual, safely outside the category that triggers constitutional alarm.
Contextually, Buckley is speaking from inside a conservative legal tradition that wants bright lines courts can enforce and suspects that broader anti-corruption standards are really a cover for regulating speech. It’s not naive; it’s strategic. Define corruption narrowly, and you protect campaign finance practices broadly, while sounding like you’re simply clarifying what the Supreme Court “was concerned about.” The sentence reads like civics; it functions like insulation.
Quote Details
| Topic | Justice |
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