"They have involved co-operation between the Iraqi intelligence and al-Qaeda operatives on training and combined operations regarding bomb making and chemical and biological weapons"
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That sentence is engineered to feel like a door slamming shut: “involved co-operation,” “training,” “combined operations,” “bomb making,” “chemical and biological weapons.” Each phrase is a rung on a ladder of alarm, climbing from vague association to the most cinematic, post-9/11 nightmare scenario imaginable. The intent isn’t merely to inform; it’s to fuse two separate public fears into one actionable threat: Saddam’s Iraq and al-Qaeda become a single organism with a shared toolkit.
Feith’s diction does heavy lifting. “Operatives” and “intelligence” suggest institutional seriousness, not rumor. “Regarding” smooths over evidentiary gaps, letting the sentence imply specificity without committing to verifiable detail. The structure also matters: it begins with bureaucracy (“co-operation”) and ends with apocalypse (“chemical and biological weapons”), a classic rhetorical funnel that makes escalation feel logical rather than speculative.
The subtext is a political permission slip. If Iraq is not just a hostile state but a collaborator in terror logistics, then preemption starts to look like self-defense. It also short-circuits skepticism: questioning the claim can be made to sound like downplaying WMD risk or indulgent legalism in an emergency.
Context does the rest. In the early 2000s, the administration needed a narrative bridge from 9/11 to Baghdad. This line functions as that bridge, compressing contested intelligence into a declarative, almost prosecutorial form. It’s not a neutral assessment; it’s a strategic sentence designed to make war feel like the inevitable conclusion of responsible governance.
Feith’s diction does heavy lifting. “Operatives” and “intelligence” suggest institutional seriousness, not rumor. “Regarding” smooths over evidentiary gaps, letting the sentence imply specificity without committing to verifiable detail. The structure also matters: it begins with bureaucracy (“co-operation”) and ends with apocalypse (“chemical and biological weapons”), a classic rhetorical funnel that makes escalation feel logical rather than speculative.
The subtext is a political permission slip. If Iraq is not just a hostile state but a collaborator in terror logistics, then preemption starts to look like self-defense. It also short-circuits skepticism: questioning the claim can be made to sound like downplaying WMD risk or indulgent legalism in an emergency.
Context does the rest. In the early 2000s, the administration needed a narrative bridge from 9/11 to Baghdad. This line functions as that bridge, compressing contested intelligence into a declarative, almost prosecutorial form. It’s not a neutral assessment; it’s a strategic sentence designed to make war feel like the inevitable conclusion of responsible governance.
Quote Details
| Topic | War |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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