"We need to work together, on a bipartisan basis, to create new jobs, increase job training, enact real and substantive middle class tax relief, and reward companies that create jobs at home"
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It reads like an itemized wish list, but the real message is coalition-building by way of safe, high-salience economics. Hinojosa’s opening insistence on a “bipartisan basis” isn’t just about civility; it’s a framing device that tries to pre-empt the predictable partisan veto. By invoking bipartisanship before any policy specifics, he casts opposition as reflexive obstruction rather than principled disagreement, a classic move in congressional rhetoric when legislative gravity is low but political stakes are high.
The sequence matters. “Create new jobs” is the broad, emotional anchor. “Increase job training” narrows to an investment story: not just employment, but employability, which plays well in districts where globalization and automation have made “work” feel contingent. “Real and substantive middle class tax relief” signals two things at once: a jab at symbolic or temporary cuts, and a claim to middle-class guardianship that avoids the politically loaded language of redistribution. The phrase “real and substantive” is doing defensive work, anticipating skepticism that tax relief often gets captured by higher earners.
Then comes the nationalist hinge: “reward companies that create jobs at home.” That “at home” is coded reassurance to voters who feel the economy has been engineered elsewhere, by trade deals, offshoring, or corporate incentives that don’t touch local life. The subtext is discipline for capital without saying “punish”: reward is softer than regulation, friendlier to business audiences, and still lets him posture as tough on outsourcing.
Contextually, this is the grammar of post-recession politics and perennial election-season economics: promise broadly, specify selectively, and claim the pragmatic center as a moral high ground.
The sequence matters. “Create new jobs” is the broad, emotional anchor. “Increase job training” narrows to an investment story: not just employment, but employability, which plays well in districts where globalization and automation have made “work” feel contingent. “Real and substantive middle class tax relief” signals two things at once: a jab at symbolic or temporary cuts, and a claim to middle-class guardianship that avoids the politically loaded language of redistribution. The phrase “real and substantive” is doing defensive work, anticipating skepticism that tax relief often gets captured by higher earners.
Then comes the nationalist hinge: “reward companies that create jobs at home.” That “at home” is coded reassurance to voters who feel the economy has been engineered elsewhere, by trade deals, offshoring, or corporate incentives that don’t touch local life. The subtext is discipline for capital without saying “punish”: reward is softer than regulation, friendlier to business audiences, and still lets him posture as tough on outsourcing.
Contextually, this is the grammar of post-recession politics and perennial election-season economics: promise broadly, specify selectively, and claim the pragmatic center as a moral high ground.
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| Topic | Work |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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