"We negotiated with the Honduran government the establishment of a regional military training center, for training central American forces, but the primary motivation for doing that was to be able to bolster the quality, improve the quality of the El Salvadoran fighting forces"
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The language here is bureaucratic anesthesia: “regional military training center” sounds like a neutral piece of infrastructure, a bland investment in “quality,” when it’s really a workaround for a politically combustible objective. Negroponte’s sentence performs the classic diplomatic two-step: widen the frame (“training central American forces”) to make the project look multilateral and stabilizing, then slip in the candid core (“the primary motivation…El Salvadoran fighting forces”). That moment of accidental clarity is the tell.
Context matters because the 1980s Central American wars weren’t just local conflicts; they were Cold War proxy battles where Washington treated “capacity-building” as a moral alibi. By anchoring the plan in Honduras, the U.S. could present itself as a manager of regional professionalism rather than an accelerant in El Salvador’s civil war. The phrase “bolster the quality” doesn’t merely sanitize violence; it rebrands it as technical improvement, like upgrading a supply chain. The human stakes - counterinsurgency campaigns, civilian casualties, the political economy of repression - are pushed offstage by managerial diction.
The subtext is that legitimacy is being manufactured through process. Training implies standards, discipline, accountability; it suggests you can engineer a cleaner war by teaching it better. That’s the seductive promise of technocratic foreign policy: if the methods are professional, the outcomes will be acceptable. Negroponte isn’t arguing for brute force so much as narrating force as governance, turning intervention into “quality control” and thereby making a controversial strategic bet sound like administrative common sense.
Context matters because the 1980s Central American wars weren’t just local conflicts; they were Cold War proxy battles where Washington treated “capacity-building” as a moral alibi. By anchoring the plan in Honduras, the U.S. could present itself as a manager of regional professionalism rather than an accelerant in El Salvador’s civil war. The phrase “bolster the quality” doesn’t merely sanitize violence; it rebrands it as technical improvement, like upgrading a supply chain. The human stakes - counterinsurgency campaigns, civilian casualties, the political economy of repression - are pushed offstage by managerial diction.
The subtext is that legitimacy is being manufactured through process. Training implies standards, discipline, accountability; it suggests you can engineer a cleaner war by teaching it better. That’s the seductive promise of technocratic foreign policy: if the methods are professional, the outcomes will be acceptable. Negroponte isn’t arguing for brute force so much as narrating force as governance, turning intervention into “quality control” and thereby making a controversial strategic bet sound like administrative common sense.
Quote Details
| Topic | War |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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