"What is new is that environmentalism intensely illuminates the need to confront the corporate domain at its most powerful and guarded point - the exclusive right to govern the systems of production"
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Commoner’s line is a warning shot dressed as diagnosis: environmentalism isn’t just about cleaner rivers or better recycling habits; it’s a political flashlight aimed at the place modern power hides best. By calling the corporate domain “powerful and guarded,” he frames industry not as a neutral engine of prosperity but as a fortified institution, trained to treat its decision-making as off-limits to the public. The key phrase is “exclusive right” - not ability, not expertise, but a claimed entitlement to rule.
The intent is strategic. Commoner, a scientist who spent decades translating ecology into public argument, is insisting that environmental crises can’t be solved at the margins. If pollution and climate disruption are baked into how goods are made, then the fight inevitably moves upstream into governance: who gets to decide what is produced, how, and for whose benefit. “Systems of production” sounds technical, but it’s doing moral work. It widens the target from individual bad actors to the structural logic of profit, growth, and planned obsolescence.
The subtext is an indictment of the feel-good version of environmentalism: personal virtue, consumer choices, corporate “green” branding. Commoner suggests those approaches are intentionally comfortable because they leave the “exclusive right” intact. His context matters: postwar industrial expansion, the rise of petrochemicals, and the early environmental movement’s realization that regulatory tweaks weren’t matching the scale of harm. He’s arguing that ecology, properly understood, forces democracy to trespass on private sovereignty. That’s why the sentence still stings: it makes “environmentalism” less a lifestyle and more a confrontation with ownership and control.
The intent is strategic. Commoner, a scientist who spent decades translating ecology into public argument, is insisting that environmental crises can’t be solved at the margins. If pollution and climate disruption are baked into how goods are made, then the fight inevitably moves upstream into governance: who gets to decide what is produced, how, and for whose benefit. “Systems of production” sounds technical, but it’s doing moral work. It widens the target from individual bad actors to the structural logic of profit, growth, and planned obsolescence.
The subtext is an indictment of the feel-good version of environmentalism: personal virtue, consumer choices, corporate “green” branding. Commoner suggests those approaches are intentionally comfortable because they leave the “exclusive right” intact. His context matters: postwar industrial expansion, the rise of petrochemicals, and the early environmental movement’s realization that regulatory tweaks weren’t matching the scale of harm. He’s arguing that ecology, properly understood, forces democracy to trespass on private sovereignty. That’s why the sentence still stings: it makes “environmentalism” less a lifestyle and more a confrontation with ownership and control.
Quote Details
| Topic | Justice |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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