"Where the state begins, individual liberty ceases, and vice versa"
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Bakunin’s line doesn’t argue with the state so much as try to abolish its moral alibi. The phrasing is engineered as a zero-sum theorem: “begins” and “ceases” turn politics into a boundary dispute, a hard border where freedom evaporates the moment authority takes up space. Then he snaps the trap shut with “and vice versa,” refusing the comforting liberal compromise that a little state can be the price of a lot of liberty. It’s not rhetoric that invites negotiation; it’s rhetoric that forecloses it.
The subtext is less about bad rulers than about the machinery of rule. Bakunin is writing in a 19th-century Europe of empires, police forces, conscription, and clerical authority, where “order” often meant surveillance, censorship, and the routine disciplining of the poor. Against that backdrop, “the state” isn’t an abstract social contract; it’s a centralized instrument that claims a monopoly on violence and calls it legitimacy. His target includes not only monarchists but also rival revolutionaries who wanted to replace the throne with a “workers’ state.” For Bakunin, that substitution is a con: a new class of administrators, a new priesthood of experts, the same coercion wearing red.
Why it works is its brutal simplicity. It reframes politics from “Which policies?” to “Which relationships?” If power is structured as command and obedience, he suggests, liberty can’t be administered into existence. It has to be lived as mutual association, or it isn’t liberty at all.
The subtext is less about bad rulers than about the machinery of rule. Bakunin is writing in a 19th-century Europe of empires, police forces, conscription, and clerical authority, where “order” often meant surveillance, censorship, and the routine disciplining of the poor. Against that backdrop, “the state” isn’t an abstract social contract; it’s a centralized instrument that claims a monopoly on violence and calls it legitimacy. His target includes not only monarchists but also rival revolutionaries who wanted to replace the throne with a “workers’ state.” For Bakunin, that substitution is a con: a new class of administrators, a new priesthood of experts, the same coercion wearing red.
Why it works is its brutal simplicity. It reframes politics from “Which policies?” to “Which relationships?” If power is structured as command and obedience, he suggests, liberty can’t be administered into existence. It has to be lived as mutual association, or it isn’t liberty at all.
Quote Details
| Topic | Freedom |
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