Essay: On New Democracy

Overview
"On New Democracy" (1940) by Mao Tse-Tung articulates a program for revolution and state-building suited to semi-colonial, semi-feudal societies such as China. It proposes "new democracy" as a distinct transitional stage that is neither classical bourgeois democracy nor immediate socialism but a synthesis adapted to specific historical and social conditions. The thesis rests on reconciling national liberation from imperialism with social revolution against feudal remnants while preserving a path toward socialism under proletarian leadership.
Mao frames this model as a general strategy for countries with weak capitalist development and strong imperialist domination. The concept rejects simply copying Western parliamentary models or a replica of the Soviet template; instead it stresses a coalition-based republic capable of achieving national independence, democratic rights, and economic transformation that opens a course toward socialism.

Political Program
Politically, new democracy envisions a united front government where different classes participate in a republic that safeguards democratic freedoms for broad masses but remains directed by the proletariat. The state form is described as a people's democratic dictatorship against imperialism and feudal reaction, aimed at consolidating revolutionary gains while preventing restoration of old privileges. Political power is to be institutionalized through revolutionary organs led by the Communist Party.
Mao emphasizes practical politics over doctrinaire formalism: institutions and measures are to be fashioned according to national conditions and the balance of forces. Electoral and representative mechanisms are expected to reflect the coalition character of the state while ensuring that the leading role of the working class prevents capitalist restoration that would compromise anti-imperialist goals.

Economic Program
Economically, new democracy allows a mixed economy in which public ownership of the commanding heights coexists with private and cooperative enterprises. State control targets foreign monopolies and large feudal estates, alongside land redistribution to peasants. National bourgeois elements are permitted to operate and develop under state guidance so long as they serve national reconstruction and do not align with imperialist interests.
This pragmatic arrangement aims to mobilize all productive forces for rebuilding the nation, expanding industry, and raising living standards while systematically increasing public and cooperative sectors. The long-term objective remains socialism, with the mixed economy serving as a bridge to eventual socialist transformation when material and class conditions permit.

Class Alliance and Leadership
Central to the theory is a tactical alliance among the proletariat, peasantry, petty bourgeoisie, and patriotic national bourgeoisie, with the proletariat wielding political leadership. Mao insists that the Communist Party must lead the alliance to prevent fragmentation and to pursue consistent anti-imperialist, anti-feudal policies. The peasantry provides mass base and revolutionary energy; national capital provides resources and technical skills; the petty bourgeoisie contributes intellectual and urban support.
Mao cautions that alliances are contingent and must be managed so that cooperative classes do not regain hegemonic influence. The leadership role of the working class and its revolutionary party ensures direction toward socialism while drawing on the strengths of allied classes for national reconstruction.

Culture and State
Cultural renewal is treated as integral to new democracy: a "new-democratic culture" should replace feudal superstitions and imperialist cultural influence, fostering mass education, science, and art that serve national liberation and social progress. Political power is viewed as necessary to shape cultural institutions and civic life in ways conducive to the revolutionary alliance.
State policies are designed to cultivate civic participation, literacy, and a public sphere aligned with anti-imperialist and democratic values, thereby building social foundations for later stages of socialist construction.

Historical Significance
The concept provided the CCP with a flexible blueprint during the struggle against Japanese occupation and subsequent civil war, guiding coalition tactics and postwar governance. After 1949, policies reflected new-democratic elements in the initial coexistence of private and public sectors and in land reform. The model influenced debates about transitional strategies in other colonial and semi-colonial contexts by offering a theory that married national liberation with social transformation under proletarian leadership.