"When I had made more money than I needed for myself and my family, I set up a foundation to promote the values and principles of a free and open society"
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Soros frames his philanthropy as a simple moral aftershock of surplus: once personal and familial needs are met, the remaining money becomes a civic instrument. The line is engineered to sound almost procedural, like balancing a ledger, which is precisely the point. He’s pre-empting the familiar suspicion that billionaire giving is either vanity or covert self-dealing by presenting it as an ethical threshold: enough for us, then a responsibility to everyone else.
The phrase “free and open society” is doing heavy ideological lifting. It’s an appeal to classical liberalism - pluralism, rule of law, minority rights, a press that can offend the powerful - while staying broad enough to function as a banner rather than a policy memo. That vagueness is strategic. It invites allies to project their own democratic aspirations onto the foundation, while giving critics room to claim the slogan masks partisanship. Soros knows the contest isn’t just over what he funds, but over what his funding is allowed to mean.
Context matters: as a Hungarian-born Jewish survivor of Nazi occupation who later watched Soviet-style authoritarianism harden in Eastern Europe, “open society” isn’t an abstract preference; it’s a biographical argument. In the post-Cold War era, when markets and democracy were often rhetorically fused, a financier endorsing openness could sound like benevolent modernization or like foreign meddling, depending on the listener’s politics.
The intent is reputational, but not merely defensive. It’s a bid to normalize a controversial idea: that private capital can legitimately underwrite public democratic infrastructure when states won’t - and that doing so is not a conspiracy, but a creed.
The phrase “free and open society” is doing heavy ideological lifting. It’s an appeal to classical liberalism - pluralism, rule of law, minority rights, a press that can offend the powerful - while staying broad enough to function as a banner rather than a policy memo. That vagueness is strategic. It invites allies to project their own democratic aspirations onto the foundation, while giving critics room to claim the slogan masks partisanship. Soros knows the contest isn’t just over what he funds, but over what his funding is allowed to mean.
Context matters: as a Hungarian-born Jewish survivor of Nazi occupation who later watched Soviet-style authoritarianism harden in Eastern Europe, “open society” isn’t an abstract preference; it’s a biographical argument. In the post-Cold War era, when markets and democracy were often rhetorically fused, a financier endorsing openness could sound like benevolent modernization or like foreign meddling, depending on the listener’s politics.
The intent is reputational, but not merely defensive. It’s a bid to normalize a controversial idea: that private capital can legitimately underwrite public democratic infrastructure when states won’t - and that doing so is not a conspiracy, but a creed.
Quote Details
| Topic | Freedom |
|---|---|
| Source | Help us find the source |
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